New Bill of Rights

Candidates

A candidate is neither accepted nor rejected. It has not yet cleared — or failed — the full-spectrum test, and is waiting on specific evidence, usually fresh polling with party breakdowns of the exact proposal. Every candidate below is held to the same criteria as the amendments we pursue and the categories we rejected. Some are whole categories with their own page; others are single provisions drafted for an amendment already on the list and held back from its text. When the evidence arrives, a candidate moves — to an amendment, into an existing amendment, or to the rejected list — and the record of why stays here.

Standalone candidates

  • Age limits for Congress

    Concept Strong; named age unpolled

    A maximum age for candidates for Congress drew 78% of Democrats and 83% of Republicans (Marist, 2026), but no poll has tested a named age by party.

  • Civil servant independence

    Regime-coded; operative remedy unpolled

    Merit hiring drew 95% of Republicans and 96% of Democrats (Partnership for Public Service, 2024), but the contested nonpartisan-civil-service item swung by regime and the removal protection is unpolled.

  • Eminent domain limits for private development

    Strong but stale; existential test open

    79% of Democrats and 85% of Republicans opposed the Kelo holding (Saint Index / UMass Lowell, 2005) and twelve state constitutions followed; the number is two decades old.

  • Fair single-member districting

    Strong floor; trade-off untested

    76% of Republicans and 92% of Democrats prefer nonpartisan commissions to the party in power (NBC News, 2025), held by an untested seats-priced trade-off and an unmeasured federalism question.

    • Anti-favoritism floor Federalized Florida wording, 60% R
    • Neutral districting authority Constitutional and costs-named 'who may not draw' wording, 60% R
  • FBI / DOJ independence

    Remedy unpolled since 2018

    The only structural remedy ever polled — judicial approval before a special counsel is fired — drew 44% of Republicans and 76% of Democrats (Monmouth, 2018); nothing independent since.

  • FCC and independent-agency independence

    Regime-coded; forward-looking re-poll

    Opposing the 2026 decision that ended for-cause removal protection drew 42% of Republicans and 61% of Democrats (Marquette, 2026), down from 54% of Republicans in prospective wording eight weeks earlier.

  • Fusion voting

    Unpolled nationally; existential test open

    Nationally unpolled: the only direct polls are both New Jersey (51-55% of Republicans, 57-61% of Democrats), the national proxies swap parties with the presidency, and the existential-problem test is open.

  • Good-government data

    Unpolled mandate; regime-coded

    Never polled as a mandate; waiting on a mechanism-specific poll clearing a 60% floor framed to bind any future administration, plus a why-an-amendment answer the Evidence Act does not already supply.

  • Proportional representation

    Unpolled; statutory route open

    No independent survey with a party breakdown asks the mechanism, and single-member districts are a 1967 statute Congress can repeal; waiting on both a poll and a why-an-amendment answer.

  • Stopping unlawful executive action

    Symmetric appropriations poll unrun; sub-items gated separately

    Spending fidelity polls at 37% of Republicans (Marquette, 2025); privilege is unpolled, immunity reaches 54%, and the symmetric two-directions question has never been asked.

    • Appropriations fidelity Symmetric forward-looking poll clearing 60% R
    • Limits on executive privilege Genuinely unpolled; no why-an-amendment answer
    • Narrowing executive immunity Regime-coded; single-sourced campaign-window fieldwork
  • Supermajority for the Supreme Court to strike down federal laws

    Unpolled; regime-coded proxies

    No independent national poll has ever asked the mechanism with a party breakdown; every measurable attitude toward the Court's power is regime-coded, and the coverage question is unsettled.

Candidate provisions inside proposed amendments

Clauses drafted for an amendment already on the list and held back from its text. Each waits on the same kind of evidence a whole category does.

Abolition of the Punishment Exception

  • A private-hire prohibition

    Unpolled; a new substantive rule rather than a deletion

    Barring a person confined under sentence from being hired to or placed at the disposal of private individuals, companies, or associations — the ILO Convention 29 proviso.

  • A constitutional wage floor for prison work

    Unpolled; would convert a deletion into a fiscal mandate on all fifty states

    Requiring that a person working under lawful sentence be compensated at not less than the minimum wage established by law.

  • A ban on work requirements as such

    Unpolled; goes beyond both the polled proposition and the international norm

    Providing that no person may be required to work as a condition of confinement, classification, or release.

Ethics

  • An enforceable emoluments clause

    Neutral both-parties polling on emoluments enforcement

    A clause making the article's prohibitions and the Constitution's existing emoluments clauses enforceable in court, answering the article's open question of who may sue.

Executive Compliance with the Courts

  • Consequences for willful defiance of a court order

    Three separate favor/oppose items, 60% floor each; must state who adjudicates after Trump v. Anderson

    Three severable consequences for an officer found by final judgment to have willfully refused compliance: disqualification from office, a pardon carve-out for contempts of court, and salary suspension during certified noncompliance.

    • Disqualification on a final judgment of willful defiance Unpolled; 60% floor in both parties on the costs-named item
    • Pardon carve-out for contempts of court Unpolled; 60% floor in both parties on the costs-named item
    • Salary suspension during certified noncompliance Unpolled; 60% floor in both parties on the costs-named item
  • Independent enforcement of court judgments

    Unpolled; separation-of-powers design unfinished

    A clause placing the execution of federal court judgments under the direction of the judicial branch, so no officer whose conduct is at issue directs their enforcement.

Limited Presidential Pardon Reform

  • No clemency for the president's own conspirators

    Forward-looking both-parties wording on the coordination mechanism, not the 'allies' relationship

    A clause barring a pardon for an offense committed at the president's direction or in knowing coordination with the president, or one of which the president was an intended beneficiary.

  • Presidential self-pardon ban

    Reopened; one independent forward-looking replication clearing 60% R

    A single sentence barring the President from granting a reprieve or pardon to himself or herself — rejected as a category on 2026-08-06 at a 43% Republican floor, reopened on 2026-08-18 as a candidate clause after an independent reading of the same wording at 61% R / 85% D.

Lobbying

  • A lifetime ban on all compensated lobbying

    Standalone favor/oppose re-test clearing 60% in both parties

    A permanent bar on paid advocacy before the federal government by former members of Congress and senior officials, in place of the article's five-year wait.

Privacy

  • A private-sector data-protection section

    Commissioned split-sample instrument: rights-in-the-data vs fiduciary-duty framings, each costs-named, each priced against an identical statutory companion

    A ninth section making the article's commercial rulebook — purpose limitation, minimization, accuracy, security, and access, correction, and deletion against private holders in commerce — a constitutional floor rather than the delegated legislative power Section 3 now provides, with enforcement machinery routed to legislation in both candidate framings and the direct-enforceability question flagged for drafting counsel.

Redistricting

  • An anti-favoritism standard for district maps

    Held back from Article 6 pending a party-split poll; four state ratifications justify commissioning the question, not un-holding the clause

    A rule that no district map may be drawn with the intent to favor or disfavor a political party or an incumbent — the standard voters have ratified in four state constitutions, held out of Article 6 until a national party-split reading exists.

Term Limits

  • Uniformity and the Thornton settlement

    Drafting counsel, not a poll; the state-election-power half risks being read against the redistricting article

    A clause declaring the article's term limits the sole such limitation, while preserving state power over the manner of holding elections.

The exact wording each candidate is waiting on is set out on the polling questions page. Also see the rejected categories — what has already moved out, and why — and the polling evidence. How proposals are accepted, held, or rejected is described on the mission page.